A month after Lyle and Erik Menendez were arrested for brutally slaying their parents inside their Beverly Hills home, Dr. Ann Burgess entered the Los Angeles County Jail with a stack of blank paper and a set of colored pencils.

It was April 1990, and the maelstrom around Jose and Kitty Menendez’s double murder – and the brothers’ forthcoming trial – had reached a fever pitch. News articles described the crime scene in gory, painstaking detail. Prosecutors and tabloids portrayed the brothers as greedy, calculated, cold-blooded killers.
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A month after Lyle and Erik Menendez were arrested for brutally slaying their parents inside their Beverly Hills home, Dr. Ann Burgess entered the Los Angeles County Jail with a stack of blank paper and a set of colored pencils.

It was April 1990, and the maelstrom around Jose and Kitty Menendez’s double murder – and the brothers’ forthcoming trial – had reached a fever pitch. News articles described the crime scene in gory, painstaking detail. Prosecutors and tabloids portrayed the brothers as greedy, calculated, cold-blooded killers.
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Burgess was among the earliest women to work with the FBI and a key member of what was known as the bureau’s Behavioral Science Unit in the late ’70s.

That team has since been dubbed “Mindhunters” because they willingly delve into the darkest parts of the human psyche to better understand what motivates a murderer. What they uncover could make even the most hardened detectives blanch.

And while criminal profiling is not an exact science, it is a method investigators increasingly lean on to identify warning signs of a would-be killer.

CNN spoke to former profilers – all women like Dr. Burgess who worked with the FBI – who have pioneered and practiced ways to connect the dots between evidence and psychology to help solve and prevent crimes.

“You start very slowly,” the now 88-year-old told CNN of her approach with Menendez. “You start with, ‘How far back can you remember?’ … and gradually get up to, ‘When did you first have this idea of what you wanted to do to your parents?’”

Burgess said she spent 50 hours interviewing Menendez and, as she recounts in her latest book, she was later called as an “expert witness” to testify about how Erik and Lyle’s decision to confront their father over what they alleged was years of sexual abuse could have provoked enough fear for them to commit a double murder.

She’s since been accused of profiling Menendez as a way to excuse or justify the brothers’ crimes, but Burgess staunchly rejects that characterization.

“You’ve got to do it for prevention,” she said. “You have to learn something from this.”

That, she says, is the question that drives most criminal profilers: How can we prevent the next murder?

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It’s no secret how President Donald Trump feels about sports teams turning away from Native American mascots. He’s repeatedly called for the return of the Washington Redskins and Cleveland Indians, claiming their recent rebrands were part of a “woke” agenda designed to erase history.

But one surprising team has really gotten the president’s attention: the Massapequa Chiefs.

The Long Island school district has refused to change its logo and name under a mandate from New York state banning schools from using team mascots appropriating Indigenous culture. Schools were given two years to rebrand, but Massapequa is the lone holdout, having missed the June 30 deadline to debut a new logo.
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The district lost an initial lawsuit it filed against the state but now has the federal government on its side. In May, Trump’s Department of Education intervened on the district’s behalf, claiming the state’s mascot ban is itself discriminatory.

Massapequa’s Chiefs logo — an American Indian wearing a yellow feathered headdress — is expected to still be prominently displayed when the fall sports season kicks off soon, putting the quiet Long Island hamlet at the center of a political firestorm.
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The district is now a key “battleground,” said Oliver Roberts, a Massapequa alum and the lawyer representing the school board in its fresh lawsuit against New York claiming that the ban is unconstitutional and discriminatory.

The Trump administration claims New York’s mascot ban violates Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibits recipients of federal funds from engaging in discriminatory behavior based on race, color or national origin — teeing up a potentially precedent-setting fight.

The intervention on behalf of Massapequa follows a pattern for a White House that has aggressively applied civil rights protections to police “reverse discrimination” and coerced schools and universities into policy concessions by withholding federal funds.

“Our goal is to assist nationally,” Roberts said. “It’s us putting forward our time and effort to try and assist with this national movement and push back against the woke bureaucrats trying to cancel our country’s history and tradition.”
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